Post by account_disabled on Jan 31, 2024 10:48:13 GMT
Kosovo was the last in the series of wars that destroyed Yugoslavia . More specifically, it was the conflict that condemned Serbia as the declared loser of a process of destruction hitherto unprecedented on the continent since 1945. The crisis of the communist unifying system after the death of Tito coincided with the terminal paralysis of the Soviet system (of which was not a part militarily or politically). Combative nationalisms imposed themselves on liberal democracy as a mobilizing reference for populations lacking orientation and leadership. Many of the communist leaders, but also dissidents or opponents, converted to emerging nationalism. Although Western historiography and political narrative tend to point to the Serbian leaders as those primarily responsible for the tragedy, the truth is that the others were not innocent in the tragedy .
The actions of the Federal Army in favor of the Serbs (not in vain, the majority of the officers were Serbian) only partially explains this biased analysis. The apparent Serbian military superiority helped create a narrative Phone Number Database of victimhood in the other minorities, which was filtered from the media and modified an initially, if not neutral, then more cautious Western position. Combative nationalisms imposed themselves on liberal democracy as a mobilizing reference for populations that lacked direction and leadership. In Kosovo, the perception of Serbian responsibility was greater, if anything, since it was not a Republic, but a province of Serbia itself, but with a majority of the population of Albanian origin and of Muslim religion.
Ethnic confrontations began to arise in Kosovo in the early 1980s, and in Kosovo the Serbian defeat was sealed when Milosevic tried to put down the armed Albanian revolt with blood and fire, provoking NATO bombings and, as a consequence, the subsequent fall of the regime. Western support for the independence of Kosovo was never unanimous (Spain is one of the countries that has not recognized the new State) and has not ceased to be controversial in this quarter of a century that has passed since the end of the war. The UCK, a guerrilla organization that opposed Belgrade, committed excesses and crimes comparable, at its level, to those perpetrated by the Serbs. The previous Yugoslav wars were replicated in Kosovo, with all their arsenal of manipulations, deceptions, falsehoods and simplifications.
The actions of the Federal Army in favor of the Serbs (not in vain, the majority of the officers were Serbian) only partially explains this biased analysis. The apparent Serbian military superiority helped create a narrative Phone Number Database of victimhood in the other minorities, which was filtered from the media and modified an initially, if not neutral, then more cautious Western position. Combative nationalisms imposed themselves on liberal democracy as a mobilizing reference for populations that lacked direction and leadership. In Kosovo, the perception of Serbian responsibility was greater, if anything, since it was not a Republic, but a province of Serbia itself, but with a majority of the population of Albanian origin and of Muslim religion.
Ethnic confrontations began to arise in Kosovo in the early 1980s, and in Kosovo the Serbian defeat was sealed when Milosevic tried to put down the armed Albanian revolt with blood and fire, provoking NATO bombings and, as a consequence, the subsequent fall of the regime. Western support for the independence of Kosovo was never unanimous (Spain is one of the countries that has not recognized the new State) and has not ceased to be controversial in this quarter of a century that has passed since the end of the war. The UCK, a guerrilla organization that opposed Belgrade, committed excesses and crimes comparable, at its level, to those perpetrated by the Serbs. The previous Yugoslav wars were replicated in Kosovo, with all their arsenal of manipulations, deceptions, falsehoods and simplifications.